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|English英语译成Chinese汉语: Do it anyway不管怎样|
General field: 艺术/文学
Detailed field: 诗词与文学
|原文文本 - English英语|
People are often unreasonable, illogical and self- centered; Forgive them anyway.
If you are kind, people may accuse you of selfish, ulterior motives; Be kind anyway.
If you are successful, you will win some false friends And some true enemies; Succeed anyway.
If you are honest and frank, people may cheat you; Be honest and frank anyway.
What you spend years building,Someone could destroy overnight; Build anyway.
If you find serenity and happiness, they may be jealous; Be happy anyway.
The good you do today, people will often forget tomorrow; Be good anyway.
Give the world the best you have,And it may never be enough; Give the world the best you have anyway.
|翻译文本 - Chinese汉语|
General field: 艺术/文学
Detailed field: 诗词与文学
|原文文本 - Chinese汉语|
|翻译文本 - English英语|
Rising up my head, I look into the starry sky up high
It is so grand and abstruse
Full with infinite truth
It has always intrigued me to explore and pursue.
I look into the starry sky upon high
It is in such a solemnness and sanctity
With its awesome justice
Of which I adore and revere
I look into the starry sky upon high
With liberty and tranquility
And vastness of its embracement
I find rest and nestling for my soul
I look into the starry sky upon high
It is so majestic and glorious
It’s blazing radiant endures forever,
Inflames the hope in my heart, burst out just like thunder in spring
|English英语译成Chinese汉语: War and peace through the bravest eyes(Jul 23rd 2009 from From The Economist print edition)|
General field: 其它
Detailed field: 政府/政治
|原文文本 - English英语|
Natalia Estemirova on Chechnya
War and peace through the bravest eyes
The testimony of a murdered human-rights campaigner
IT WAS the kind of scene she had described many times. On July 15th at 8.30am, as she left her flat in Grozny, Natalia Estemirova was forced into a white Lada. She shouted that she was being kidnapped, but those who heard were too scared to report it. By the time her colleagues had found out, she was dead, murdered by three bullets in her chest and a control shot in the head.
There was a mark from a man’s hand on her shoulder, where she was grabbed, and a bruise on her face, where she had been hit. Her wrists bore the marks of bindings. Ramzan Kadyrov, the authoritarian Chechen president, considered her an enemy. And she died as one. She documented hundreds of similar cases in Chechnya, supplying witness statements and photographs, forcing prosecutors to investigate and the media to write about kidnappings, torture and killings, often conducted by people in official uniforms. Much of what the world knew about Chechnya came from her and her colleagues at Memorial, a heroic group which started by documenting Stalinist crimes but continued to trace their modern-day consequences, especially in the Caucasus.
Her murder made few headlines in Russia, which has long been deaf to her findings or deaths such as hers. Some 150 people turned up at her memorial service in Moscow. These days, in a city of 10m, that is quite a crowd. Five months earlier, to the day, she herself had attended a memorial rally for Stanislav Markelov, a human-rights lawyer who was gunned down in the centre of Moscow. A video camera captured her, a good-looking middle-aged woman in a black coat struggling with tears as she spoke about her friend: “It was so dangerous for him, a Muscovite, to come to ruined Grozny.” It was much more dangerous for her; she lived there.
Mr Markelov and Anna Politkovskaya, a Russian journalist who was murdered three years ago, often stayed in Ms Estemirova’s flat in a shell-pocked building without running water, cheered by her hospitality and the photographic wallpaper displaying a tropical beach. Between them they managed to bring one case of abuse by the Russian army to justice. It remains almost the only one. All of them are now dead.
Straight-backed in her neat, feminine clothes, Ms Estemirova looked like the history teacher she once was and probably would have remained, had it not been for Chechnya’s two wars. She would have preferred a normal life; but when war burst upon her, she responded with the compassion and resolve which were once the hallmarks of the Russian intelligentsia. In the words of Anna Akhmatova’s “Requiem”,
Not under foreign skies
Nor under foreign wings protected—
I shared all this with my own people
There, where misfortune had abandoned us.
A year ago, Ms Estemirova gave an interview to a sociologist. She spoke for many hours about her life and fate in the small Caucasus republic that has shaped much of what has happened in Russia since the end of the Soviet Union. This document is a reflection of the best and the worst sides of Russia.
She was born in 1959 into a working family in the Urals and came to Chechnya when she was 19. Her father was Chechen, her mother Russian. Two things stuck in her memory from the period before 1991: lies and empty shelves. In the hierarchy of the Soviet empire, Chechnya was a backwater. Despite being an oil-producing republic, it was extremely poor. People travelled to Russia proper for sausages and seasonal odd jobs. The truth was in equally short supply. Everyone in the republic had memories of Stalin’s deportation of the entire Chechen people in 1944. The official silence over these events only inflamed feelings.
“The protest [against the deportation] was particularly acute in my generation: those who were young and did not experience it themselves, but felt extreme pain for our relatives who survived it and those who died.” Chechens felt little obligation to the Soviet state. “[They] tried to live autonomously…It was bad to steal from one’s neighbour, but it was considered normal to steal from the state.”
Yet separatist and even nationalist feelings were weak. Grozny, the capital of Chechnya, was a predominantly Russian city. The Chechen language and culture were suppressed. Ms Estemirova did not speak Chechen fluently. “My motherland was first and foremost the Soviet Union.”
The collapse of the Soviet Union brought a revolution to Chechnya. Ms Estemirova had little sympathy with separatist self-rule and was quick to see through the nationalist rhetoric of General Jokhar Dudayev, who came to power in 1991. “I saw who supported Dudayev: people who earned money from seasonal work around the Soviet Union and lost out economically when the union collapsed… Many used the slogans of fighting for independence as a cover for personal gain.”
She had few illusions about the Soviet regime, but she did not like the sight of a crowd vandalising a statue of Lenin in Grozny either. “When people started fighting with statues, I knew it would end in tears.” Nationalism of any sort repelled her. Half-Russian and half-Chechen as she was, she was caught in the middle. “I often felt this attitude in Chechnya: ‘Go back to your Russia’ and in Russia, when I visited my mother, ‘Get back to your Chechnya’.”
Her attitude to independence, like that of most Chechens, changed in 1994 when the Kremlin decided to dislodge Mr Dudayev with tanks and bombs. “[These] actions had no justification and no sense…For me this was a personal tragedy. Now I felt the victim was my motherland.”
For ordinary Chechens the first war was one of liberation, not separation. “Both the Chechens and the vast majority of the [ethnic] Russian population supported the rebel fighters.” Among those fighters were Ramzan Kadyrov and Ms Estemirova’s husband, who was later killed. When the war ended the next year, “it was a time of complete euphoria. Everyone was falling in love with each other.” But joy was soon
replaced by disappointment and desperation. Whatever money was earmarked for Chechnya by the Kremlin was stolen by Chechen and Russian officials before it got anywhere near the ordinary people.
Ms Estemirova and her two-year-old daughter lived in a half-ruined flat in Grozny. “I was afraid of starvation, terribly afraid. I had everything rationed: the girl had to have one egg, one carrot, perhaps some porridge, so she wouldn’t starve.” She continued to teach while also helping to expose Russia’s “filtration” camps, which were supposed to separate civilians from rebels but, in fact, tortured them.
In her eyes, however, Russia’s brutality did not absolve the Chechens’ own government of plunging the country into lawlessness. “Chechnya was neither a part of Russia, nor a separate state. It was a hole …A new type of crime flourished: kidnappings. The idea came from the federal forces who traded both in live and dead bodies. It was they who removed the taboo from these types of crimes.”
In Grozny’s market
She was in a bus when a Russian rocket exploded next to a maternity hospital. “I saw this huge cloud and I stood in a stupor.” The second and third rockets hit a crowded market and a place near a mosque where people collected water. A man was lying next to her. “We tried to lift him and I couldn’t understand why my arms were wet. It wasn’t raining. I saw that my hands were covered in blood. He was a young man, nothing to do with rebels. I didn’t know what to do, where to run…I got to my school and saw people laughing at me: I was swaying. Perhaps they thought I was drunk.”
A few days later Ms Estemirova was in Moscow, publicly confronting military officials who claimed that the attack on the market was aimed only at rebels. It was October 1999 and Russia, under the premiership of Vladimir Putin, had begun a second, longer-lasting war against its own republic of Chechnya. The aerial attacks were soon followed by “mopping up” operations, often accompanied by killings, rape and the burning of houses.
Ms Estemirova joined Memorial and went back to Chechnya, which by then was closed to journalists and outsiders. “I remember going to the village of Aldi on March 20th 2000. It was dead. We counted 47 victims, but of course there were more …A woman was hanging up bloodstained clothes left from her husband, who had been executed…People were in shock and would talk only in whispers…I remember walking over the bridge together with Aldi’s villagers and a boy walking in front of us. And some sniper, bastard, started shooting.”
In April 2004 she managed to get to the mountain hamlet of Rigakhoi, which had been hit by Russian bombs. “They bombed it knowing it was a family house, that children’s nappies were drying on the line, that sheep were wandering about. Inside there was a woman with five children. When they started bombing, she gathered them all around, because that is how they were found—she must have tried to cover them with her arms.”
When Ms Estemirova arrived the relatives dug up the children’s bodies so she could photograph them as evidence, since prosecutors refused to see them. When Ms Estemirova’s colleagues walked into her flat last week they saw this photograph: five small bodies lying in a row, from five years down to nine months.
When she photographed those bodies, her own daughter was ten years old. “It hurts that I could never love my daughter freely: I am always scared for her, even now. It is bad, because she has now grown. The fact that I became a human-rights defender was also the result of my maternal feeling: I just felt so sorry for these people who went through filtration camps. I was so outraged that this happened.”
The outrage did not blind her judgment. She was equally angry with “those who speculated with these ideas of independence. They have used their people as a shield. In fact they betrayed the people.” The real heroes of this war, she said, were the women who assumed the burden of saving the nation, who pulled their men out of dungeons and who gave milk and bread to the Russian soldiers who did not try to rape and kill them.
The end of the war did not reduce her workload. “The regime imposed in Chechnya is authoritarian, criminal and very corrupt.” The republic, which had suffered so acutely under Stalin, had developed its own form of Stalinism under Mr Kadyrov, who was installed by Mr Putin. His cult of personality is sustained by fear and brute force. Before Ms Estemirova died, she was investigating abuses by Chechen security agencies under Mr Kadyrov’s de facto control. He denies any part in her murder.
Grozny no longer looks like Stalingrad. It has been rebuilt and spruced up. But “the economic gains were in inverse proportion to the moral ones”. The effects of war run deep both in Chechnya and in Russia. “There is more hypocrisy and cowardice. The people who carried the best qualities of their nation have been killed, they are no more.” After her killing, Memorial suspended its operations in Chechnya.
|翻译文本 - Chinese汉语|
在她的肩膀上有被人抓握的手印，在她的脸上有被打过留下的瘀肿，她的手腕有捆绑的痕迹。 独裁的车臣总统拉姆赞•卡德罗夫把她视为一个仇敌。她也正像卡德罗夫的敌人一样死去。 纳塔莉娅记录许许多多车臣类似的案件，并提供目击证明和图片。促使检察官进行调查，激起媒体对绑架、拷打和谋杀进行报道。而这些很多都是身着政府制服之人的所为。世界其他地方的人对车臣的认知大半来自于纳塔利娅和她那些像她一样来自一个名为“纪念”的人权组织的同事。这是一群像勇士一样的一帮人，他们一开始的时候是记录斯大林主义者的罪行，后来也继续追踪他们在当代放下的罪行，特别是在高加索地区。
纳塔莉娅的谋杀案在俄罗斯并没有占据报纸多少版面，那是一个对她调查的真相和对像纳塔莉娅一样的死亡案件都充耳不闻的地方。 在莫斯科，大概有150人出现在她的追悼会上。在今天，在这样一个人口一千万的城市，那确实好像显得已经很拥挤了。 正好在五个月前，她自己参加了一个为在莫斯科中部被枪杀，名为斯坦尼斯拉夫•马克洛夫的人权律师举行的悼念集会。一台摄影机捕捉到了她就在其中，一个身着黑色外套、相貌漂亮的中年女子，她在说到自己的朋友的时候，她想要努力控制住泪水，“像他这样的一个莫斯科人来到格罗兹尼，想推翻格罗兹尼是”非常危险的。” 然而对她来说更加危险，她就住在那儿。
在我的那一代人中，那些年轻人和没有自己没有经验的人，（对反对驱逐出境的）抗议是特别的剧烈的。我们为那些在那次抗议中活下来和死去的亲戚都感到无比的痛苦。” 车臣人们并没有觉得对苏联有什么义务。“（他们）试着去进行自治…从邻居进行偷窃是不好的，但从一个国家偷窃却被认为是正常的。” 但那是分裂主义甚至民族主义的情绪是微弱的。车臣的首都格罗兹尼是俄罗斯的一个主要城市。 车臣的语言和文化都被压制了。埃斯蒂米洛娃女士自己都不能说流利的车臣话。 “我的祖国首先是苏联。”
对于普通的车臣人民来说，第一场战争是为了自由的，而不是分离。“车臣人和大多数的俄罗斯人（少数民族成员）都支持起义的勇士。” 这些人当中就有拉姆赞•卡德罗夫和埃斯蒂米洛娃女士后来被杀的丈夫。当战争第二年结束的时候，“那是一段非常令人精神愉悦的时间。 大家都彼此相爱了。” 但是不久就被失望和绝望替代了。克里姆林宫给车臣的所有专款在进入老百姓的视野之前就都被车臣和俄罗斯官员贪污了。
埃斯蒂米洛娃女士和她两岁大女儿住在格罗兹尼摇摇欲坠的房子里面。 “我很担心没有东西吃，非常害怕。我有足够理由：女孩得有一个蛋、一个胡萝卜或者一些粥，这样她才不会挨饿。” 她继续一边教书，一边帮助揭露俄罗斯的“过滤营”的事情。那原本是用来分离平民和反叛分子的，但事实上却成了折磨他们的地方。
但是在她眼里俄罗斯的暴行不应该成为车臣人自己的政府陷入无法无天的境地的借口。“车臣既不是俄罗斯的一部分，也不是一个分离的国家。 那是一个洞…一种新的罪行滋生了：绑架。这是从那些做活人和死人生意的联邦部队开始的。 正是他们将这类罪行的忌讳除去了。”
当俄罗斯的一个火箭在一家附近的妇产科医院爆炸的时候她正在一辆公共汽车上。“我看到巨大的烟云，我完全惊呆了。” 第二个和第三个火箭分别打中了一个拥挤的市场和一个清真寺附近人们打水的地方。一个人就躺在她旁边。 “我们想要把他扶起来。当时并没有下雨，但我不知道为什么我的手臂是湿的。 我看到自己的手都是血。他是一个年轻人，完全不是反叛分子。 我不知道该做什么，或者往哪里跑…我到了我的学校，看到大家都在笑我：我摇摇摆摆的，他们可能以为我喝醉了。
这样的愤怒并没有使她的判断变得盲目。她对那些谋划独立的人也同样生气。 他们把自己的人民当作挡箭牌。其实他们是背叛了人民。” 她说这场战争真实的英雄是那些承担拯救这个民族重担的妇女们，她们将她们的男人从地牢中拉出来，她们把牛奶和面包给予那些没有强奸并杀害她们的俄罗斯士兵。
战争的结束并没有让她轻松下来。“统治车臣的制度是独裁的，罪恶的并且很腐败。” 那个在斯大林统治下遭受如此严重苦难的加盟共和国，在卡德罗夫之下已经孕育了它自己的斯大林主义，并由普京进一步建立起来。对他的个人崇拜因为恐惧和强权得到了维系。 在埃斯蒂米洛娃女士被害之前，她正在就卡德罗夫临时政府下的车臣安全机构滥用职权进行调查。卡德罗夫否认她的谋杀与他完全无关。
格罗兹尼看起来不再像斯大林格勒了。它已经被重建并且被打扮的整整齐齐。 但是“经济增长与道德上升却不成正比”。 战争的影响对在车臣和俄罗斯都同样的深远。“（现在）有了更多的虚伪和懦弱。那些具备这个民族优秀品质的人已经被杀害了，他们不在了。” 她被害之后，“纪念”中止在车臣的活动。
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Translation for the completion of the perfection to Your satisfaction
This is Nathan Xiao Diming, a freelance translator from Mainland China. It is my passions to help people from different parts of the world to get over their language barriers by providing my translation and interpretation services.
In 2010, I was credited the translation certificate of China Accreditation Test for Translators and Interpreters (CATTI) of translator Level II, launched by the Ministry of Personnel of the People’s Republic of China. It is the most authoritative translation and interpretation proficiency qualification accreditation test. For more about CATTI, go Here
My undergraduate degree was tourism and the postgraduate religious studies. I have been constant learning to better my translation and proficiency and productivity, because I am so passionate about translation.
Over the years, I have translated for translation companies, organizations and companies as well as individuals as a freelance translator.
Believing in me, Your Trustworthy Freelance Translator… Main clients includes but not limited to the following:
Sunrise Foundation (Hong Kong)
Sincere Translation and Consulting Services Co., Ltd
TCG Nordica Kunming
Yunnan Health and Development Research Association (YHDRA)
Yunnan New Joy Consulting Services Co., Ltd (Singaporean)
Minds Aboard Chinese Language Program (American)
Yunnan Danyun Fair Trade Development Co.,Ltd. (Denmark)
(formerly Kunming Danyun Business Affairs Consulting Ltd)