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Sample translations submitted: 1
Chinese to English: 朱威烈：政治解决叙问题，中国不可或缺 OPINION | Zhu Weilie: China, indispensible player in political resolution of Syria Crisis General field: Social Sciences Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - Chinese 俄罗斯军事介入叙利亚境内反恐，不但军事进展显著，而且激活了沉寂2年多的叙问题政治解决机制。当前已有19个国家和国际组织参与维也纳会议，但从美俄欧等大国和地区参与国的态度看，各方在叙问题的性质、解决路径和最终目标等方面仍有明显分歧，谈判能否在6个月内完成有待观察。
阻碍政治解决的难题中首先是总统巴沙尔的去留。2011年3月爆发的叙利亚内乱，起因即是美欧与部分地区国家企图在叙搞颜色革命，实现政权更迭。后因中俄在联合国安理会联手4次使用否决权，才使叙避免了重演利比亚悲剧。眼下美欧和几个地区强硬国家虽对巴沙尔的存留态度有所松动，但实际上仍把巴沙尔下台列为主要目标。这是在维也纳会议后深入到过渡时期谁代表叙政府等具体安排时必将面临的实际障碍。
其次是叙反对派的合法性。在叙利亚政府看来，美国武装的所谓“叙温和反对派”根本无法代表叙利亚人民。叙反对派问题关系到过渡政府的权力结构，如果美国方面提出的反对派组织和人选不能被叙现政权接受，那又怎能启动“过渡期”呢？
第三是停火与反恐如何协调。维也纳会议已提出“停火”，但俄美都在叙境内打击IS，区别在于俄与叙政府合作，美国却坚持不合作，尚未出现王毅部长提出的“国际反恐要形成合力”局面。美俄虽在空中避免军机相撞方面达成协议，但美派出50名特种兵参与地面作战并不与俄、叙政府合作。至于美方声称俄军打击的是叙反对派而非极端组织，则迄今也未拿出证据。
其他分歧意见还有很多。特别是美国在新世纪发起战争、策划推动颜色革命等，都是根据其自身的好恶标准，以推翻某个对象国的个人或社会政治制度为目的，从不顾及当事国的安全稳定和民众利益。如果这样的理念不作改变，维也纳会议要达到预期目标恐怕不易。
当然，叙问题的政治解决进程须结合叙政府的改革。持续4年多的叙内乱已导致25万人丧生，400余万难民逃往国外，境内还有近千万人流离失所。这实际上是二战以来最大的人道主义灾难。叙当局当下的重点不只是应对过渡期的修宪和大选，还应尽可能地利用国内外资源安置好流离失所人员;同时处理好与国内逊尼派、基督徒和库尔德人等主要族群的关系，增加其政治参与度，形成共赴国难的社会共识。只有确立民生优先的执政理念，叙政府才能有效配合政治解决进程。
多年以来，作为联合国安理会常任理事国的中国凭借与地区各当事国的良好关系，在解决苏丹达尔富尔问题、推进伊朗核问题谈判等中东热点问题上发挥了独特作用。因此，自俄出兵入叙打击IS以来，叙利亚总统特使夏班女士迅即访华，10月中美、中英、中德峰会期间也都涉及叙利亚问题，可见地区国家和国际社会对中国外交的重视和期待。
为叙问题中国在联合国安理会史无前例地动用了4次否决权，并接连多次提供人道主义援助。夏班女士上月在与笔者会面时直言，如果不是中俄，叙利亚早就是另一个利比亚了。对于叙利亚问题，王毅部长也已明确发表3点主张：国际反恐要形成合力，叙问题要回到政治解决轨道上来，人道主义援助是当务之急。就在上月，中国政府已宣布再向叙利亚等国提供1亿元人民币的人道主义援助。这些及时的举措受到叙利亚和其他中东国家的好评和肯定。
事实上，中国参与中东热点问题解决一向坚持大国外交与多边外交并举、政府外交与公共外交结合的“劝和促谈”。实践证明这种做法卓有成效。中国坚持不干涉内政原则，但中国与对象国长期交好，作为可信赖的朋友和伙伴，适时进几句忠言，提一些建议，这让它们更能接受，比美国等西方国家的威胁遏制管用得多。维也纳会议是世界大国之间和地区参与国之间的交流协商机制，也是中国发挥调解斡旋的重要平台;在与叙政府交流过程中，中国的作用也不可取代。叙利亚危机爆发后，中国即派特使与叙政府和反对派接触，此后还多次邀请反对派人士访华。随着叙问题政治解决进程的启动，中国外交机构还将加大与叙政府和反对派的接触交流，同时也将考虑再提供人道援助。
笔者认为，向叙提出加强外交努力，争取早日重返阿盟;尝试设立安全定居点，公告地区和国际社会，让流离失所者得以安稳生活，以期从源头上减少或阻遏难民外流的趋势等，都是叙方能够接受的意见。可以说，中国特色的中东外交正越来越受到地区国家和国际社会的认同和重视。(作者是上海外国语大学中东研究所名誉所长、上海高校智库上外中东研究中心主任)
Translation - English R
ussia's military efforts in the counter-terrorism campaign in Syria has produced significant progress on the battleground, and at the same time revived the political solution mechanism, largely neglected for the last two years, of the Syrian crisis.
As of now, 19 nations and international organizations are attending the Vienna peace talks, but it is apparent that differences of understanding exist as to the essence and solution of the crisis as well as the ultimate goal to be achieved, as seen by the varying positions parties such as the United States, Russia, Europe and other major powers and regions have taken. Whether the talks will conclude in 6 months’ time still remains to be seen.
The first hurdle in reaching a political solution is deciding the future of President al-Assad. The riots that broke out in Syria in March 2011 were, in fact, an attempt by the U.S., Europe, and certain Middle Eastern countries to start a color revolution and topple the regime in Syria. Had China and Russia not jointly used their veto power four times in a row in the UN Security Council, Syria would have shared the same fate as Libya.
Though the U.S., Europe, and several hardliners in the Middle East seem to be less adamant about it at the moment, getting Assad to leave is still high on their list of priorities. As the peace talks proceed, and detailed arrangements as to which group is to represent the Syrian government during the transitional period have to be made, this will be a very real obstacle.
The second hurdle concerns the legitimacy of the Syrian opposition. The Syrian government does not believe that the so-called “moderate opposition forces” armed by the U.S. can represent the people of Syria in any way. However, how the Syrian opposition is dealt with now will have a bearing on the power structure of the future interim government. If the opposition individuals and groups proposed by the U.S. are not accepted by the current regime in Syria, how can the transitional period even start?
The third hurdle is coordinating a ceasefire with counter-terrorism efforts. A ceasefire has already been proposed at the talks in Vienna. However, both Russia and the U.S. are still taking military action against the IS in Syria. While Russia is cooperating with the Syrian government, the U.S. has stubbornly refused to do so. There has yet to be a “joint force of international counter-terrorism efforts” as described by China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi.
Although an agreement has been reached between the U.S. and Russia to prevent military aircraft collisions, the 50 Special Forces soldiers deployed by the U.S. for action on the ground have no collaboration with Russia or the Syrian regime. The U.S. claims that Russia has been attacking Syrian opposition forces instead of extremist groups, but has yet to come up with any evidence.
There are many other points of contention at the talks. In particular, there are voices against measures the U.S. has taken ever since the beginning of the new century to start wars and plan color revolutions in other nation. The actions of the U.S., aimed at bringing down individual rulers or socio-political structures, are solely based on its own preferences, never taking into account the security, stability and the interest of the people of the countries involved. If the US does not take on a different mentality, it could be difficult to reach the expected goals during the Vienna peace talks.
Of course, a political solution to the Syrian crisis must go hand in hand with reforms in the Syrian government. The 4-year civil conflict in the country has left 250 thousand dead, 4 million refugees abroad, and tens of millions internally displaced. This is in effect the worst humanitarian disaster since WWII. At the moment, in addition to amending the Constitution and holding an election during the transitional period, the Syrian government should also utilize as much resources as possible, both domestic and international, to resettle the displaced, and improve relations between the major ethnic groups—the Sunnis, Christians, and Kurds—in the country. These ethnic groups’ participation in politics must be increased; an understanding that everyone must contribute to ending the crisis has to be reached. Only when the Syrian government bases its governance on putting people’s welfare first, can it effectively collaborate with the political solution process.
As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, over the years China has played a unique role in the resolution of the Darfur issue in Sudan, and in promoting progress in the Iranian nuclear issue negotiations, as well in other issues of major concern in the Middle East, utilizing its good relations with the countries involved. Because of this, immediately after Russia sent its forces to Syria to attack the IS, Bouthania Shaaban, Political and Media Adviser to the President of Syria, came to China.
In October, during the China-U.S., China-UK, and China-Germany summits, the Syria issue was brought up each time. It is apparent that countries in the affected region and the international community places China’s diplomacy in high regard and have great expectations for it.
China has used its veto power four times in the UN Security Council during the deliberations of the Syrian crisis, an unprecedented move. In addition, China has provided multiple rounds of humanitarian assistance. Last month, during a meeting with the author of this article, Ms. Shaaban admitted that if it weren’t for China and Russia, Syria would have become another Libya. Concerning the Syrian crisis, Foreign Minister Wang Yi has made the following three proposals: there has to be a joint force of international counter-terrorism efforts; the future of the crisis must return to the path of political resolution; the most urgent demand right now is providing humanitarian aid. Just last month, the Chinese government announced that it will provide to Syria and other affected countries 10 million yuan’s worth of humanitarian aid. These timely actions have been warmly received and appreciated by Syria and other nations in the Middle East.
In fact, while participating in the resolution of key Middle Eastern issues, China, through the combination of major power and multilateral diplomacy, and the combination of official and public diplomacy, always insists on encouraging the relevant sides to hold negotiations and achieve reconciliation. Experience has proven this method effective.
China adheres firmly to the principle of not interfering with another nation’s internal affairs. Instead of employing threats or means of oppression as the U.S. and Western countries do, China develops long-term friendships with the countries involved in such issues, becoming their trusty friend and partner, and can offer them frank advice and opinions. This is more effective, and more palatable for them. The Peace Talks in Vienna is a mechanism for dialogue and negotiation between major countries and regions, and also an important platform for China to act as a mediator.
China’s also plays an indispensible role in maintaining contact with the Syrian government. After the crisis broke out, China sent out Special Envoys to meet with the Syrian government and opposition right away, and later invited members of the opposition to visit China multiple times. As the political resolution process proceeds, China’s foreign affairs agencies will deepen contact with the Syrian government and opposition, as well as consider offering further humanitarian assistance.
I believe that Syria will be open to suggestions such as furthering diplomatic efforts, working towards returning the Arab League as early as possible, attempting to set up resettlement areas (and notifying the region and the international community of their locations), allowing the displaced to live in stability, and stemming the flow of refugees at the source. It can well be said that China’s unique Middle East policy is receiving more recognition and attention from countries in the affected region and the international community.
The author is a distinguished professor of Middle Eastern studies and the Honorary Director of the Middle East Studies Institute, Shanghai international Studies University (SISU).
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Master's degree - Shanghai International Studies University
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